jueves, 14 de junio de 2007

Como no hacerlo para combatir a los violadores de menores

Los ingleses son sorprendentes, la verdad que lo son, prefieren sus mascotas a los niños, les gusta manejar por la izquierda cuando todos lo hacen por la derecha, te piden perdón cuando quien debe hacerlo eres tú. Es la raja.
Per bueno, más abajo copio una noticia realmente interesante, y que la he ido siguiendo mientras escucho mi radio favorita (www.classicfm.com):
El gobierno inglés está proponiendo que los violadores (rapiest) se les ofrezca ser castrados químicamente, entre otras cosas, y la verdad sea dicha, si el problema de los violadores ya sugiere un problema social profundo, si se le agrega el compuesto pedofilia, todo pinta para asqueroso.
Por ello es que home office (ministerio de relaciones interiores) propone que se use las castración química como método para bajarle el líbido a los violadores pederastas y de pasada se les haga un test de polígrafo para ver si han vuelto a abusar de menores o lo que sea y que el registro público de convicted sexual offenders (ofensores sexuales condenados) sea ampliado en su uso y aplicación.
En fin, en todas partes se cuecen habas: el problema se ataca por arriba en vez de por abajo, en la raíz.

Nota: La ley inglesa se llama "Sarah´s Law" en honor a una menor violada y asesinada en el año 2000 a manos de un pederasta - como la "Megan's Law" norteamericana.

(The Guardian, Miércoles 13 de junio de 2007 - http://www.guardian.co.uk/crime/article/0,,2101789,00.html)

Reid unveils Sarah's law proposals



Hélène Mulholland and Matthew Tempest
Wednesday June 13, 2007
Guardian Unlimited


John Reid
John Reid, the home secretary. Photograph: Rui Vieira/PA.
More sex offenders could be offered "chemical castration" under a range of "Sarah's law" measures unveiled by the home secretary today.

John Reid said that families would be informed about offenders who might pose a specific threat to their children and there would be lie detector tests for persistent paedophiles.

The home secretary said that the move - which stops short of publicising the whereabouts of paedophiles but creates a "presumption" for police to tell a mother that her partner was a sex offender - was part of a "radical" package to protect youngsters.

Individuals provided with information could be committing a public order offence if they disclose it to others.

Mr Reid told MPs: "Information should and can no longer remain the exclusive preserve of officialdom.

"We will therefore update the law to give the police and other agencies a duty to consider in every case whether a member of the public needs to know about an offender's history to protect the child."

Chemical castration - offering sex offenders drugs to curb their libido - is not new. But today's announcement saw an expansion of the scheme.

Mr Reid said it would not be compulsory, nor a substitute for punishment or prison.

The Tories said that vulnerable children deserved better but the reforms were hailed a "massive step forward" by campaigner Sara Payne.

The murder of her eight-year-old daughter, Sarah Payne, by paedophile Roy Whiting in July 2000, sparked a nationwide campaign for the UK to adopt a US-style "Megan's law" publicising information about sex offenders.

The NSPCC welcomed the limits on information sharing, saying that "open access" for everyone could force convicted paedophiles underground and place youngsters at greater risk of assault.

But the children's charity warned that the new disclosure plans could overstretch limited resources.

Other moves in the package include a publicity campaign to raise awareness of the fact that 90% of child abuse takes place in a family setting, and compulsory lie-detector tests.

A Home Office pilot scheme used polygraph tests on 350 offenders and questioned them about whether they had reoffended or breached their parole or community order conditions.

In all, 44% were found to be deceptive in the voluntary trials, which will be followed with a compulsory scheme under today's package.

New information about paedophiles' behaviour - which could be vital in protecting children and others from sex attacks - was obtained in nearly eight out of 10 cases in the pilot.

At an earlier briefing Mr Reid told journalists: "We are taking some radical steps in what we are doing but it's possible to take radical steps with a degree of caution."

He insisted that the measures were not the same as "Megan's law" in the US, which ministers believe has not been effective in tackling paedophilia and may have driven some offenders underground.

"The idea that we wanted to adopt Megan's law was never put forward by us," Mr Reid said.

"What we did want to do was address the campaign that Sara Payne put forward amongst others.

"If someone wants to call that Sarah's law, then I am delighted for her."

Mr Reid said that initially three pilots would be run in different parts of the country, and legislation would be brought forward later.

Mr Reid said that programmes to tag offenders and then monitor them by satellite would be extended, and methods of ensuring safeguards on paedophiles' computers would also be tested.

Announcing the measure in the House of Commons, Mr Reid said: "There are very few crimes more horrific than sex offences against children."

But responding to Mr Reid's statement in the house, shadow home affairs spokesman David Davies warned that the measures could drive paedophiles underground.

Mr Davies also said that the proposals had implications for the police and other agencies which could hamper delivery.

"The NSPCC are warning that the police are overstretched and do not have the resources to manage the system properly," said Mr Davies.

"Then there is a much wider issue of enforcement. Without competent implementation, no policies will work. Indeed, they may give a false sense of security, but no protection.

A voluntary system of "castration" through medication would also fail to curb the problem, added Mr Davies. "Whilst it may be useful in some cases, it will not deal with the worst offenders, who do not wish to reform," he said.

The director of the NSPCC, Dame Mary Marsh, said: "Someone with a clean criminal record does not always have a clean bill of health; people must never be lulled into a false sense of security."

The multi-agency public protection arrangements, or MAPPA, which monitor sex offenders in the community, will receive a £1.2m funding boost.

The package of measures applies to England and Wales.

The Liberal Democrats attacked Mr Reid for attempting to be "wildly populist" over the proposed measures to "castrate" offenders.

The Liberal Democrat home affairs spokesman, Nick Clegg, said the measures were welcome if they "work in practice", but added: "Branding voluntary hormone treatment as chemical castration does a disservice to all the parents of young children who want a calm and considered approach to an issue of such public concern."

lunes, 11 de junio de 2007

Discurso de Bill Gates en la Universidad de Harvard

(Fuente: Pato Navia, 11 de Junio de 2007)

June 8, 2007 - 12:36PM

Text of the speech given by Microsoft chairman
Bill Gates at Harvard University on June 7, 2007.

President Bok, former President Rudenstine,
incoming President Faust, members of the Harvard
Corporation and the Board of Overseers, members
of the faculty, parents, and especially, the graduates:

I've been waiting more than 30 years to say this:
"Dad, I always told you I'd come back and get my degree."

I want to thank Harvard for this timely honor.
I'll be changing my job next year ... and it will
be nice to finally have a college degree on my resume.

I applaud the graduates today for taking a much
more direct route to your degrees. For my part,
I'm just happy that the Crimson has called me
"Harvard's most successful dropout." I guess that
makes me valedictorian of my own special class
... I did the best of everyone who failed.

But I also want to be recognized as the guy who
got Steve Ballmer to drop out of business school.
I'm a bad influence. That's why I was invited to
speak at your graduation. If I had spoken at your
orientation, fewer of you might be here today.

Harvard was just a phenomenal experience for me.
Academic life was fascinating. I used to sit in
on lots of classes I hadn't even signed up for.
And dorm life was terrific. I lived up at
Radcliff, in Currier House. There were always
lots of people in my dorm room late at night
discussing things, because everyone knew I didn't
worry about getting up in the morning. That's how
I came to be the leader of the anti-social group.
We clung to each other as a way of validating our
rejection of all those social people.

Radcliff was a great place to live. There were
more women up there, and most of the guys were
science-math types. That combination offered me
the best odds, if you know what I mean. This is
where I learned the sad lesson that improving
your odds doesn't guarantee success.

One of my biggest memories of Harvard came in
January 1975, when I made a call from Currier
House to a company in Albuquerque that had begun
making the world's first personal computers. I offered to sell them software.

I worried that they would realize I was just a
student in a dorm and hang up on me. Instead they
said: "We're not quite ready, come see us in a
month," which was a good thing, because we hadn't
written the software yet. From that moment, I
worked day and night on this little extra credit
project that marked the end of my college
education and the beginning of a remarkable journey with Microsoft.

What I remember above all about Harvard was being
in the midst of so much energy and intelligence.
It could be exhilarating, intimidating, sometimes
even discouraging, but always challenging. It was
an amazing privilege - and though I left early, I
was transformed by my years at Harvard, the
friendships I made, and the ideas I worked on.

But taking a serious look back ... I do have one big regret.

I left Harvard with no real awareness of the
awful inequities in the world - the appalling
disparities of health, and wealth, and
opportunity that condemn millions of people to lives of despair.

I learned a lot here at Harvard about new ideas
in economics and politics. I got great exposure
to the advances being made in the sciences.

But humanity's greatest advances are not in its
discoveries - but in how those discoveries are
applied to reduce inequity. Whether through
democracy, strong public education, quality
health care, or broad economic opportunity -
reducing inequity is the highest human achievement.

I left campus knowing little about the millions
of young people cheated out of educational
opportunities here in this country. And I knew
nothing about the millions of people living in
unspeakable poverty and disease in developing countries.

It took me decades to find out.

You graduates came to Harvard at a different
time. You know more about the world's inequities
than the classes that came before. In your years
here, I hope you've had a chance to think about
how - in this age of accelerating technology - we
can finally take on these inequities, and we can solve them.

Imagine, just for the sake of discussion, that
you had a few hours a week and a few dollars a
month to donate to a cause - and you wanted to
spend that time and money where it would have the
greatest impact in saving and improving lives. Where would you spend it?

For Melinda and for me, the challenge is the
same: how can we do the most good for the
greatest number with the resources we have.

During our discussions on this question, Melinda
and I read an article about the millions of
children who were dying every year in poor
countries from diseases that we had long ago made
harmless in this country. Measles, malaria,
pneumonia, hepatitis B, yellow fever. One disease
I had never even heard of, rotavirus, was killing
half a million kids each year - none of them in the United States.

We were shocked. We had just assumed that if
millions of children were dying and they could be
saved, the world would make it a priority to
discover and deliver the medicines to save them.
But it did not. For under a dollar, there were
interventions that could save lives that just weren't being delivered.

If you believe that every life has equal value,
it's revolting to learn that some lives are seen
as worth saving and others are not. We said to
ourselves: "This can't be true. But if it is
true, it deserves to be the priority of our giving."

So we began our work in the same way anyone here
would begin it. We asked: "How could the world let these children die?"

The answer is simple, and harsh. The market did
not reward saving the lives of these children,
and governments did not subsidize it. So the
children died because their mothers and their
fathers had no power in the market and no voice in the system.

But you and I have both.

We can make market forces work better for the
poor if we can develop a more creative capitalism
- if we can stretch the reach of market forces so
that more people can make a profit, or at least
make a living, serving people who are suffering
from the worst inequities. We also can press
governments around the world to spend taxpayer
money in ways that better reflect the values of the people who pay the taxes.

If we can find approaches that meet the needs of
the poor in ways that generate profits for
business and votes for politicians, we will have
found a sustainable way to reduce inequity in the
world. This task is open-ended. It can never be
finished. But a conscious effort to answer this
challenge will change the world.

I am optimistic that we can do this, but I talk
to skeptics who claim there is no hope. They say:
"Inequity has been with us since the beginning,
and will be with us till the end - because people
just ... don't ... care." I completely disagree.

I believe we have more caring than we know what to do with.

All of us here in this Yard, at one time or
another, have seen human tragedies that broke our
hearts, and yet we did nothing - not because we
didn't care, but because we didn't know what to
do. If we had known how to help, we would have acted.

The barrier to change is not too little caring; it is too much complexity.

To turn caring into action, we need to see a
problem, see a solution, and see the impact. But
complexity blocks all three steps.

Even with the advent of the Internet and 24-hour
news, it is still a complex enterprise to get
people to truly see the problems. When an
airplane crashes, officials immediately call a
press conference. They promise to investigate,
determine the cause, and prevent similar crashes in the future.

But if the officials were brutally honest, they
would say: "Of all the people in the world who
died today from preventable causes, one half of
one percent of them were on this plane. We're
determined to do everything possible to solve the
problem that took the lives of the one half of one percent."

The bigger problem is not the plane crash, but
the millions of preventable deaths.

We don't read much about these deaths. The media
covers what's new - and millions of people dying
is nothing new. So it stays in the background,
where it's easier to ignore. But even when we do
see it or read about it, it's difficult to keep
our eyes on the problem. It's hard to look at
suffering if the situation is so complex that we
don't know how to help. And so we look away.

If we can really see a problem, which is the
first step, we come to the second step: cutting
through the complexity to find a solution.

Finding solutions is essential if we want to make
the most of our caring. If we have clear and
proven answers anytime an organization or
individual asks "How can I help?," then we can
get action - and we can make sure that none of
the caring in the world is wasted. But complexity
makes it hard to mark a path of action for
everyone who cares - and that makes it hard for their caring to matter.

Cutting through complexity to find a solution
runs through four predictable stages: determine a
goal, find the highest-leverage approach,
discover the ideal technology for that approach,
and in the meantime, make the smartest
application of the technology that you already
have - whether it's something sophisticated, like
a drug, or something simpler, like a bed net.

The AIDS epidemic offers an example. The broad
goal, of course, is to end the disease. The
highest-leverage approach is prevention. The
ideal technology would be a vaccine that gives
lifetime immunity with a single dose. So
governments, drug companies, and foundations fund
vaccine research. But their work is likely to
take more than a decade, so in the meantime, we
have to work with what we have in hand - and the
best prevention approach we have now is getting
people to avoid risky behaviour.

Pursuing that goal starts the four-step cycle
again. This is the pattern. The crucial thing is
to never stop thinking and working - and never do
what we did with malaria and tuberculosis in the
20th century - which is to surrender to complexity and quit.

The final step - after seeing the problem and
finding an approach - is to measure the impact of
your work and share your successes and failures
so that others learn from your efforts.

You have to have the statistics, of course. You
have to be able to show that a program is
vaccinating millions more children. You have to
be able to show a decline in the number of
children dying from these diseases. This is
essential not just to improve the program, but
also to help draw more investment from business and government.

But if you want to inspire people to participate,
you have to show more than numbers; you have to
convey the human impact of the work - so people
can feel what saving a life means to the families affected.

I remember going to Davos some years back and
sitting on a global health panel that was
discussing ways to save millions of lives.
Millions! Think of the thrill of saving just one
person's life - then multiply that by millions.
... Yet this was the most boring panel I've ever
been on - ever. So boring even I couldn't bear it.

What made that experience especially striking was
that I had just come from an event where we were
introducing version 13 of some piece of software,
and we had people jumping and shouting with
excitement. I love getting people excited about
software - but why can't we generate even more excitement for saving lives?

You can't get people excited unless you can help
them see and feel the impact. And how you do that - is a complex question.

Still, I'm optimistic. Yes, inequity has been
with us forever, but the new tools we have to cut
through complexity have not been with us forever.
They are new - they can help us make the most of
our caring - and that's why the future can be different from the past.

The defining and ongoing innovations of this age
- biotechnology, the computer, the Internet -
give us a chance we've never had before to end
extreme poverty and end death from preventable disease.

Sixty years ago, George Marshall came to this
commencement and announced a plan to assist the
nations of post-war Europe. He said: "I think one
difficulty is that the problem is one of such
enormous complexity that the very mass of facts
presented to the public by press and radio make
it exceedingly difficult for the man in the
street to reach a clear appraisement of the
situation. It is virtually impossible at this
distance to grasp at all the real significance of the situation."

Thirty years after Marshall made his address, as
my class graduated without me, technology was
emerging that would make the world smaller, more
open, more visible, less distant.

The emergence of low-cost personal computers gave
rise to a powerful network that has transformed
opportunities for learning and communicating.

The magical thing about this network is not just
that it collapses distance and makes everyone
your neighbor. It also dramatically increases the
number of brilliant minds we can have working
together on the same problem - and that scales up
the rate of innovation to a staggering degree.

At the same time, for every person in the world
who has access to this technology, five people
don't. That means many creative minds are left
out of this discussion -- smart people with
practical intelligence and relevant experience
who don't have the technology to hone their
talents or contribute their ideas to the world.

We need as many people as possible to have access
to this technology, because these advances are
triggering a revolution in what human beings can
do for one another. They are making it possible
not just for national governments, but for
universities, corporations, smaller organization,
and even individuals to see problems, see
approaches, and measure the impact of their
efforts to address the hunger, poverty, and
desperation George Marshall spoke of 60 years ago.

Members of the Harvard Family: Here in the Yard
is one of the great collections of intellectual talent in the world.

What for?

There is no question that the faculty, the
alumni, the students, and the benefactors of
Harvard have used their power to improve the
lives of people here and around the world. But
can we do more? Can Harvard dedicate its
intellect to improving the lives of people who will never even hear its name?

Let me make a request of the deans and the
professors - the intellectual leaders here at
Harvard: As you hire new faculty, award tenure,
review curriculum, and determine degree requirements, please ask yourselves:

Should our best minds be dedicated to solving our biggest problems?

Should Harvard encourage its faculty to take on
the world's worst inequities? Should Harvard
students learn about the depth of global poverty
... the prevalence of world hunger ... the
scarcity of clean water ...the girls kept out of
school ... the children who die from diseases we can cure?

Should the world's most privileged people learn
about the lives of the world's least privileged?

These are not rhetorical questions - you will answer with your policies.

My mother, who was filled with pride the day I
was admitted here - never stopped pressing me to
do more for others. A few days before my wedding,
she hosted a bridal event, at which she read
aloud a letter about marriage that she had
written to Melinda. My mother was very ill with
cancer at the time, but she saw one more
opportunity to deliver her message, and at the
close of the letter she said: "From those to whom
much is given, much is expected."

When you consider what those of us here in this
Yard have been given - in talent, privilege, and
opportunity - there is almost no limit to what
the world has a right to expect from us.

In line with the promise of this age, I want to
exhort each of the graduates here to take on an
issue - a complex problem, a deep inequity, and
become a specialist on it. If you make it the
focus of your career, that would be phenomenal.
But you don't have to do that to make an impact.
For a few hours every week, you can use the
growing power of the Internet to get informed,
find others with the same interests, see the
barriers, and find ways to cut through them.

Don't let complexity stop you. Be activists. Take
on the big inequities. It will be one of the great experiences of your lives.

You graduates are coming of age in an amazing
time. As you leave Harvard, you have technology
that members of my class never had. You have
awareness of global inequity, which we did not
have. And with that awareness, you likely also
have an informed conscience that will torment you
if you abandon these people whose lives you could
change with very little effort. You have more
than we had; you must start sooner, and carry on longer.

Knowing what you know, how could you not?

And I hope you will come back here to Harvard 30
years from now and reflect on what you have done
with your talent and your energy. I hope you will
judge yourselves not on your professional
accomplishments alone, but also on how well you
have addressed the world's deepest inequities ...
on how well you treated people a world away who
have nothing in common with you but their humanity.

Good luck.

viernes, 25 de mayo de 2007

Hayuya, mi blog

Desde septiembre de 2005 comencé a escribir en un blog, lo llamé hayuya (www.hayuya.blogspot.com), pues como buen pan, si se come calentito con mantequilla y se le agrega algo especial, su sabor es muy especial.
Así las cosas, luego que me volví desde el Reino Unido luego de un poco mpas de un año de estudios, lo fui dejando olvidado, en en cajón de los recuerdos.
Pero luego que un amigo me hizo ver que aquiroma carecía del sabor de hayuya, y más todavía que aún existía y mucha gente aún lo leía, pues lo he comenzado a revivir, y espero que como una hayuya que permaneció mucho tiempo en el congelador esperando que la sacaran, la descongelaran y la volvieran a calentar, hayuya ha vuelto, en gloria y majestad, más sabrosa que nunca.
Bon apetit, then!

jueves, 17 de mayo de 2007

Aprendiendo de los vecinos

En estos días está pasando por mi oficina un muy amigo de mi socio Gabriel que es abogado y ejerce en Bolivia.
Es un hombre de grandes contactos y conocimientos, y por sobre todo, está metido en actividades altamente interesantes.
Una de las actividades en las que se ha embarcado en estos tiempos es participar en la Asamblea Constituyente de Bolivia, asesorando a un partido político miembro del mismo. Dentro de las cosas que me ha contado ha sido:
- La Asamblea está discutiendo la creación de un congreso unicameral y uninominal;
- Se quiebra la vieja teoría de los 3 poderes del Estado para dar lugar al reconocimiento de un 4° poder: Un consejo popular.
- Se pretende incluir la acción constitucional popular y la acción constitucional popular por omisión.
Es decir, de todo aquello que nosotros los chilenos en algún momento nos preciabamos de tener con la Constitución del 80, todo indica que tras largos 27 años de existencia, y como buen adulto jóven que es, es tiempo de hacerle un fashion emergency, cambiarle el look, hacerla madurar por la fuerza, acomodar sus objetivos luego de los años de educación y desarrollo.
Ya que todo el mundo habla por estos días de ingobernabilidad, desacreditación de los partidos políticos, transantiago (o transhastiado), de la contaminación, de las pymes, del 1% estructural, quizás haya lugar para un nuevo debate, para abrir la discusión, para rescatar las experiencias de los vecinos y aprender de ellos.
Tal como lo hicimos con el flamante Código Procesal Penal, en el cual mezclamos y tomamos todas las cosas buenas de los alemanes, franceses, ingleses, norteamericanos, etc., deberíamos hacer lo mismo con los Bolivianos, los venezolanos, los ecuatorianos, gobiernos que nos están dando una lección de política al embarcarse en proyectos de reforma profunda y potente, que si bien desconozco su desenlace, bien arrojarán luces sobre muchos aspectos de la estructura constitucional a los que corresponde poner atención.

Ver:
Asamblea constituyente de Bolivia: http://www.constituyente.bo/
Asamblea constituyente de Ecuador: http://www.asambleaconstituyente.ec/asamblea/
Asamblea constituyente de Venezuela: http://www.analitica.com/bitblioteca/anc/default.asp

martes, 15 de mayo de 2007

"Sálvese quien pueda", por Pato Navia

La ingobernabilidad que hoy aflige a la Concertación es resultado de la equivocada estrategia de privilegiar liderazgos personales que adoptó la coalición de gobierno en la campaña de 2005. A menos que el gobierno reconozca que la gobernabilidad descansa en los partidos y que éstos se reformen para mejorar la rendición de cuentas, la Concertación perderá la ventaja que ha tenido sobre una derecha que desde hace mucho tiempo empezó a privilegiar los liderazgos individuales.

La democracia no existe sin partidos políticos. Las tentaciones populistas son inevitables cuando los partidos son débiles. Pero los partidos a menudo alimentan el fuego de su propia destrucción. La poca rendición de cuentas ante la ciudadanía, las facciones y la falta de competencia interna (que dificulta la renovación de liderazgos) le restan legitimidad al sistema. Los partidos desconfían de la participación ciudadana. En vez de rendición de cuentas y transparencia, los partidos privilegian los acuerdos a puertas cerradas. En vez de diálogo y deliberación, los partidos quieren imponer la disciplina como si fueran ejércitos.

Como candidata, Bachelet entendió las demandas ciudadanas por mayor participación y mejor rendición de cuentas. Varias veces señaló que su candidatura había nacido desde la voluntad ciudadana y que los partidos se habían sumado después. Después del fiasco de la primera vuelta Bachelet temporalmente buscó el apoyo de los partidos. Una vez en La Moneda, quiso impulsar reformas participativas ignorando a los partidos. Desde el nombramiento de su gabinete hasta sus iniciativas de reforma electoral y cuotas de género, quiso reformar los partidos desde fuera. El esfuerzo fue predeciblemente inútil. Defendiendo sus propios intereses, los caciques partidistas la abandonaron.

Ya que entonces contaba con altos niveles de aprobación, Bachelet intentó imponer su voluntad al Congreso. Pero después del desastre del Transantiago, su popularidad cayó y Bachelet se quedó sin herramientas para imponer su agenda legislativa. El desorden de estos días es la conclusión de una crónica de un fracaso anunciado. Un gobierno crecientemente impopular provoca una reacción del tipo sálvese quien pueda en los parlamentarios oficialistas. Cuando los partidos no tienen legitimidad ni herramientas para inducir la disciplina, el desorden y la ingobernabilidad son inevitables. Los llamados a la disciplina de la Presidenta solo subrayan su falta de autoridad. Bachelet ya no manda en el barco concertacionista.

Cuando advirtió que "esto no da para más," Soledad Alvear también reconoció la crisis e implícitamente aceptó que su propio futuro político depende del éxito de Bachelet. Ahora, ambas deben sumar fuerzas para fortalecer el sistema de partidos promoviendo mayores instancias de competencia, rendición de cuentas y transparencia. Solo así lograran más disciplina y gobernabilidad.

Ya no se puede imponer disciplina desde La Moneda. Ni Bachelet ni las directivas de los partidos tienen las herramientas para hacerlo. Pero todos, incluidos los parlamentarios díscolos, quieren legitimarse ante la opinión pública. Por eso, el gobierno debe promover medidas que incentiven la transparencia y la rendición de cuentas en los partidos. Hay que exigir primarias obligatorias para todos los partidos que quieran financiamiento estatal. También se deben promover elecciones concurrentes en las internas de todos los partidos, abiertas a todos los simpatizantes para así reducir la influencia de las facciones y los grupos de poder. El gobierno debe introducir reformas que hagan a los partidos más responsables ante los ciudadanos. Además de producir mayor disciplina y ordenar sus filas, el gobierno deberá ayudar a mejorar esta democracia que está dando señales de agotamiento. La mejor forma de evitar que los políticos se sumen a la lógica del sálvese quien pueda es fortaleciendo el barco de la institucionalidad democrática. De lo contrario, además de inútiles, los llamados al orden sólo profundizarán la crisis de gobernabilidad.

La Tercera, mayo 13, 2007

we need to rethink

Sin permiso de don Hernán Larraín Matte, copio más abajo un link a su blog que a su vez se reconduce a youtube y que me dejó los ojos empañados, las manos temblando y la cabeza a mil con todo lo que se nos viene por delante.
Así las cosas, tómenese el tiempo para verlo, piensen, re piensen, aprendan y reaprendan, todo lo que se nos enseñó ha cambiado, y nuestros hijos se aprestan a conocer un mundo desde un punto de vista diferente, con una mirada diferente, con un sentido y una extensión de comprensión diferentes.
Que les aproveche.

http://ciudadanoh.blogspot.com/2007/05/web20-we-need-to-rethink.html

viernes, 11 de mayo de 2007

Shaken, not Stirred

Don James Bond, cada vez que se acerca a una bar e interpela al bartender, le solicita un martini seco, haciendo la precisión que sea shaken, pero no stirred.
Ese mínimo gesto denota el obrar de los ingleses, nada de cosas a medio mezclar, todo arriba de la parrila, bien mezclado, que el trago agarre el sabor de la mezcla y deliete a los sentidos en su máxima expresión.
Pero cuidado, no es que los ingleses sean de aquellos que andan por la vida mezclando todo: son gente reservada, de gratas palabras y afectos cuidados, no dicen no si no "me temo que no", no dicen "mierda, la cagastes" sino que dicen "Oh Dear". En fin, son gentes que cuidan su lengua, su forma de ser, su actitud, sus buenas y malas maneras, y cuando quieren ser brutos, son los primeros de la lista.
Por eso los ingleses son shaken, no stirred, no les vienen con cosas, gozan la vida con intensidad y aprovechan y estrujan cada minuto.
Salud James, gracias a ti el mundo ha conocido la esencia de los ingleses.